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The Life of George
Washington by David Ramsey - 1807
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CHAPTER XIII
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Washington rejoices at the
prospect of retiring. Writes to the Secretary of State, denying the authenticity of
letters said to be From him to J.P. Custis and Lund Washington, in 1776. Pays Respect to
his successor, Mr. John Adams. Review of Washington's Administration. He retires to Mount
Vernon. Resumes agricultural Pursuits. Hears with regret the aggression of the French
republic. Corresponds on the subject of his taking the command of an army To oppose the
French. Is appointed Lieutenant-General. His commission Is sent to him by the Secretary of
War. His letter to President Adams on The receipt thereof. Directs the organization of the
proposed army. Three Envoys Extraordinary sent to France, who adjust all disputes with
Bonaparte, after the overthrow of the Directory. Gen. Washington dies. Is honoured by
Congress, and by the citizens. His character.
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The pleasing emotions which are
excited in ordinary men on their acquisition of power, were inferior to those which
Washington felt on the resignation of it. To his tried friend, Gen. Knox, on the day
preceding the termination of his office in a letter-- "To the weary traveller who
sees a resting place, and is bending his body thereon, I now compare myself. Although the
prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in
the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet I am not without regret at parting
with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates whom I love. Among these be assured
you are one."
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The numerous calumnies of which
Washington was the subject, drew from him no public animadversions, except in one case. A
volume of letters, said to be from Gen. Washington to John Parke Custis and Lund
Washington, were published by the British, in the year 1776, and were given to the public
as being found in a small portmanteau, left in the care of his servant, who it was said by
the editors, had been taken prisoner in Fort Lee. These letters were intended to produce
in the public mind, impressions unfavourable to the integrity of Washington's motives, and
to represent his inclinations as at variance with his profession and duty.
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When the first edition of these
spurious letters was forgotten, they were republished during Washington's civil
administration, by some of his fellow-citizens who differed from him in politics. On the
morning of the last day of his Presidency, he addressed a letter to the Secretary of
State, in which, after enumerating all the facts and dates connected with the forgery, and
declaring that he had hitherto deemed it unnecessary to take any formal notice of the
imposition, he concluded as follows--
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"But as I cannot know a
more serious event may succeed to that which will this day take place, I have thought it a
duty that I owed to myself, to my country, and to truth, now to detail the circumstances
above recited, and to add my solemn declaration, that the letters herein described, are a
base forgery; and that I never saw of heard of them until they appeared in print. The
present letter I commit to your care, and desire it may be deposited in the office of the
department of state, as a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to
posterity."
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The moment now approached which
was to terminate the official character of Washington, and in which that of his successor,
John Adams, was to commence. The old and new President walked in together to the House of
Representatives, where the oath of office was administered to the latter. On this occasion
Mr. Adams concluded an impressive speech with a handsome compliment to his predecessor, by
observing, that though he was about to retire, "his name may still be a rampart, and
the knowledge that he lives a bulwark against all open or secret enemies of his
country."
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The immense concourse of
citizens who were present, gazed with love and affection on the retiring Washington, while
cheerfulness overspread his countenance and joy filled his heart, on seeing another
invested with the high authorities he so long exercised, and the way opened for his
returning to the long wished-for happiness of domestic private life. After paying his most
respectful compliments to the new President, he set out for Mount Vernon, the scene of
enjoyment which he preferred to all others. His wished to travel privately were in vain;
for wherever he passed, the gentlemen of the country took every occasion of testifying
their respect for him. In his retirement he continued to receive the most flattering
addresses from legislative bodies, and various classes of his fellow-citizens.
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During the eight years
administration of Washington, the United States enjoyed prosperity and happiness at home;
and, by the energy of the government, regained among foreigners that importance and
reputation, which, by its weakness, they had lost. The debts contracted in the
revolutionary war, which, from the imbecility of the old government, had depreciated to an
insignificant sum, were funded; and such ample revenues provided for the payment of the
interest and the gradual extinction of the principal, that their real and nominal value
were in a little time nearly the same. The government was so firmly established as to be
cheerfully and universally obeyed.
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The only exception was an
insurrection in the western counties of Pennsylvania, which was quelled without bloodshed.
Agriculture and commerce were extended far beyond what had ever before taken place. The
Indians on the frontiers had been first compelled by force to respect the United States,
and to continue in peace; and afterwards a humane system was commenced for teaching them
to exchange the tomahawk and hatchet for the plough, the hoe, the shuttle, and the
spinning-wheel. The free navigation of the Mississippi had been acquired with the consent
of Spain, and all differences compromised with that power. The military posts which had
been long held by Britain within the United States, were peaceably given up. The
Mediterranean was opened to American vessels in consequence of treaties made with the
Barbary powers.
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Indeed, differences with all
powers, either contiguous to or connected with the United States, had been amicably
adjusted, with the exception of France. To accomplish this very desirable object,
Washington made repeated advances; but it could not be obtained without surrendering the
independence of the nation, and its right of self-government.
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Washington, on returning to
Mount-Vernon, resumed agricultural pursuits. These, with the society of men and books,
gave to every hour innocent and interesting employment, and promised a serene evening of
his life. Though he wished to withdraw not only from public office, but from all anxiety
respecting public affairs, yet he felt too much for his country to be indifferent to its
interests. He heard with regret the repeated insults offered by the French Directory to
the United States, in the person of their ministers, and the injury done to their commerce
by illegal capture of their vessels. These indignities and injuries, after a long
endurance and a rejection of all advances for an accommodation, at length roused the
government, in the hands of Mr. Adams, to adopt vigorous measures. To be in readiness to
repel a threatened invasion, Congress authorized the formation of a regular army.
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As soon as the adoption of this
measure was probable, the eyes of all were once more turned on Washington as the most
suitable person to be at its head. Letters from his friends poured in upon him, urging
that he should accept the command. To one from President Adams, in which it was observed--
"We must have your name if you will in any case permit us to use it; there will be
more efficacy in it, than in many an army"
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Washington replied as follows--
"At the epoch of my retirement, an invasion of these states by any European power, or
even the probability of such an event in my days, was so far from being contemplated by
me, that I had no conceptions either that, or any other occurrence, would arrive in so
short a period, which could turn my eyes from the shades of Mount-Vernon.
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"But this seems to be the
age of wonders; and it is reserved for intoxicated and lawless France, (for purposes far
beyond the reach of human ken) to slaughter her own citizens, and to disturb the repose of
all the world besides. From a view of the past; from the prospect of the present; and of
that which seems to be expected, it is not easy for me to decide satisfactorily on the
part it might best become me to act. In case of actual invasion by a formidable force, I
certainly should not intrench myself under the cover of age and retirement, if my services
should be required by my country to assist in repelling it. And if there be good cause to
expect such an event, which certainly must be better known to the government than to
private citizens, delay in preparing for it may be dangerous, improper, and not to be
justified by prudence. The uncertainty, however, of the latter, in my mind, creates my
embarrassment; for I cannot bring it to believe, regardless as the French are of treaties
and of the laws of nations, and capable as I conceive them to be of any species of
despotism and injustice, that they will attempt to invade this country, after such a
uniform and unequivocal expression of the determination of the people in all parts to
oppose them with their lives and fortunes. That they have been led to believe by their
agents and partisans among us, that we are a divided people; that the latter are opposed
to their own government; and that the show of a small force would occasion a revolt, I
have no doubt; and how far these men, (grown desperate), will further attempt to deceive,
and may succeed in keeping up the deception, is problematical. Without that, the folly of
the Directory in such an attempt would, I conceive, be more conspicuous, if possible, than
their wickedness.
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"Having with candour made
this disclosure of the state of my mind, it remains only for me to add, that to those who
know me best it is best known, that should imperious circumstances induce me to exchange
once more the smooth paths of retirement for the thorny ways of public life, at a period
too when repose is more congenial to nature, that it would be productive of sensations
which can be more easily conceived than expressed."
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To the Secretary of War, writing
on the same subject, Washington replied-- "It cannot be necessary for me to premise
to you, or to others who know my sentiments, that to quit the tranquility of retirement,
and enter the boundless field of responsibility, would be productive of sensations which a
better pen than I possess would find it difficult to describe. Nevertheless, the principle
by which my conduct has been actuated through life, would not suffer me, in any great
emergency, to withhold my services I could render when required by my country; especially
in a case where its dearest rights are assailed by lawless ambition and intoxicated power,
in contempt of every principle of justice, and in violation of solemn compact, and of laws
which govern all civilized nations; and this too with the obvious intent to sow thick the
seeds of disunion, for the purpose of subjugating our government, and destroying our
independence and happiness.
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"Under circumstance like
these, accompanied by an actual invasion of our territory, it would be difficult for me at
any time to remain an idle spectator, under the plea of age or retirement. With sorrow, it
is true, I should quit the shades of my peaceful abode, and the ease and happiness I now
enjoy, to encounter anew the turmoils of war, to which possibly my strength and powers
might be found incompetent. These, however, should not be stumbling blocks in my own
way."
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"President Adams nominated
Washington with the rank of Lieutenant-General, to the chief command of all the armies
raised and to be raised in the United States. His commission was sent to him by Mr.
McHenry, the Secretary of War, who was directed to repair to Mount Vernon, and to confer
on the arrangements of the new army with its commander in chief. To the letter which
President Adams sent with the commission by the Secretary of War, Washington, in two days,
replied as follows:
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"I had the honour, on the
evening of the 11th instant, to receive from the hand of the Secretary of War, your favour
of the 7th, announcing that you had, with the advice and consent of the Senate, appointed
me 'Lieutenant-General and Commander in Chief of the armies raised, or to be raised, for
the service of the United States.'
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"I cannot express how
greatly affected I am at this new proof of public confidence, and the highly flattering
manner in which you have been pleased to make the communication. At the same time I must
not conceal from you my earnest wish, that the choice had fallen upon a man less declined
in years, and better qualified to encounter the usual vicissitudes of war.
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"You know, sir, what
calculation I had made relative to the probable course of events, on my retiring from
office, and the determination I had consoled myself with, of closing the remnant of my
days in my present peaceful abode. You will therefore be at no loss to conceive and
appreciate the sensations I must have experienced, to bring my mind to any conclusion that
would pledge me, at so late a period of late, to leave scenes I sincerely love, to enter
upon the boundless field of public action, incessant trouble, and high responsibility.
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"It was not possible for me
to remain ignorant of, or indifferent to, recent transactions. The conduct of the
Directory of France, towards our country; their insidious hostility to its government;
their various practices to withdraw the affections of the people from it; the evident
tendency of their acts, and those of their agents, to countenance and invigorate
opposition; their disregard of solemn treaties and the laws of nations; their war upon our
defenceless commerce; their treatment of our ministers of peace; and their demands,
amounting to tribute, could not fail to excite in me corresponding sentiments with those
my countrymen have so generally expressed in their affectionate addresses to you. Believe
me, sir, no one can more cordially approve of the wise and prudent measures of your
administration. They ought to inspire universal confidence, and will, no doubt, combined
with the state of things, cal, from Congress such laws and means as will enable you to
meet the full force and extent of the crisis.
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"Satisfied, therefore, that
you have sincerely wished and endeavoured to avert war, and exhausted, to the last drop,
the cup of reconciliation, we can with pure hearts appeal to Heaven for the justice of our
Cause; and may confidently trust the final result to that kind Providence who has
heretofore, and so often, signally favoured the people of these United States.
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"Thinking in this manner,
and feeling how incumbent it is upon every person of every description, to contribute at
all times to his country's welfare, and especially in a moment like the present, when
every thing we hold dear and sacred is so seriously threatened; I have finally determined
to accept the commission of Commander in Chief of the armies of the United States; with
the reserve only, that I shall not be called into the field until the army is in a
situation to require my presence, or it becomes indispensable by the urgency of
circumstances.
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"In making this
reservation, I beg it to be understood, that I do not mean to withhold any assistance to
arrange and organize the army, which you may think I can afford. I take the liberty also
to mention, that I must decline having my acceptance considered as drawing after it any
immediate charge upon the public; or that I can receive any emoluments annexed to the
appointment, before entering a situation to incur expense."
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The time of Washington after the
receipt of this appointment, was divided between agricultural pursuits and the cares and
attentions which were imposed by his new office. The organization of the army was, in a
great measure, left to him. Much of his time was employed in making a proper selection of
officers, and arranging the whole army in the best possible manner to meet the invaders at
the water's edge; for he contemplated a system of continued attack, and frequently
observed, "that the enemy must never be permitted to gain foothold on the shores of
the United States."
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Yet he always thought that an
actual invasion of the country was very improbable. He believed that the hostile measures
of France took their rise from an expectation that these measures would produce a
revolution of power in the United States, favourable to the views of the French republic;
and that when the spirit of the Americans was roused, the French would give up the
contest. Events soon proved that these opinions were well founded; for no sooner had the
United States armed, than they were treated with respect, and an indirect communication
was made that France would accommodate all matters in dispute on reasonable terms.
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Mr. Adams embraced these
overtures, and made a second appointment of three envoys, extraordinary to the French
republic. These, on repairing to France, found the Directory overthrown, and the
government in the hands of Bonaparte, who had taken no part in the disputes which had
brought the two countries to the verge of war. With him negociations were commenced, and
soon terminated in a pacific settlement of all differences. The joy to which this event
gave birth was great; but in it General Washington did not partake, for before accounts
arrived of this amicable adjustment, he ceased to be numbered among the living.
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On the 13th of December, 1799,
his hair and neck were sprinkled with a light rain, while he was out of doors attending to
some improvements on his estate. In the following night he was seized with an inflammatory
affection of the windpipe, attended with pain, and a difficult deglutition, which was soon
succeeded by fever, and a laborious respiration. He was bled in the night, but would not
permit his family physician to be sent before day. About 11 o'clock A.M. Dr. Craik
arrived, and rightly judging that the case was serious, recommended that two consulting
physicians should be sent for. The united powers of all three were in vain; in about
twenty-four hours from the time he was in his usual health, he expired without a struggle,
and in the perfect use of his reason.
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In every stage of his disorder
he believed that he should die, and he was so much under this impression, that he
submitted to the prescriptions of his physicians more from a sense of duty than
expectation of relief. After he had given them a trial, he expressed a wish that he might
be permitted to die without further interruption. Towards the close of his illness, he
undressed himself and went to bed, to die there. To his friend and physician, Dr. Craik,
he said, "I am dying, and have been dying for a long time, but I am not afraid to
die." The equanimity which attended him through life, did not forsake him in death.
He was the same in that moment as in all the past, magnanimous and firm; confiding in the
mercy and resigned to the will of Heaven. He submitted to the inevitable stroke with the
dignity of a man, the calmness of a philosopher, the resignation and confidence of a
christian.
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On the 18th, his body, attended
by military honours and the offices of religion, was deposited in the family vault on his
estate.
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When intelligence reached
Congress of the death of Washington, they instantly adjourned until the next day, when
John Marshall, then a member of the House of Representatives, and since Chief Justice of
the United States, and biographer of Washington, addressed the speaker in the following
words:
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"The melancholy event which
was yesterday announced with doubt, has been rendered but too certain. Our Washington is
no more. The hero, the patriot, and the sage of America; the man on whom in times of
danger every eye was turned, and all hopes were placed, lives now only in his own great
actions, and in the hearts of an affectionate and afflicted people.
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"If, sir, it had even not
been usual openly to testify respect for the memory of those whom Heaven has selected as
its instruments for dispensing good to man, yet such has been the uncommon worth, and such
the extraordinary incidents which have marked the life of him whose loss we all deplore,
that the whole American nation, impelled by the same feelings, would call with one voice
for a public manifestation of that sorrow, which is so deep and so universal.
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"More than any other
individual, and as to much as to one individual was possible, has he contributed to found
this our wide spreading empire, and to give to the western world, independence and
freedom.
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"Having effected the great
object for which he was placed as the head of our armies, we have seen him convert the
sword into the ploughshare, and sink the soldier into the citizen.
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"When the debility of our
federal system had become manifest, and the bonds which connected this vast continent were
dissolving, we have seen him the chief of those patriots who formed for us a constitution,
which, by preserving the union, will, I trust, substantiate and perpetuate those blessings
which our revolution had promised to bestow.
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"In obedience to the
general voice of his country, calling him to preside over a great people, we have seen him
once more quit the retirement he loved, and in a season more stormy and tempestuous than
war itself, with calm and wise determination pursue the true interests of the nation, and
contribute more than any other could contribute, to the establishment of that system of
policy which will, I trust, yet preserve our peace, our honour, and our independence.
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"Having been twice been
chosen the chief magistrate of a free people, we have seen him, at a time when his
re-election with universal suffrage could not be doubted, afford to the world a rare
instance of moderation, by withdrawing from his station to the peaceful walks of private
life.
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"However the public
confidence may change, and the public affections fluctuate with respect to others, with
respect to him they have, in war and in peace, in public and in private life, been as
steady as his own firm mind, and as constant as his own exalted virtues.
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"Let us then, Mr. Speaker,
pay the last tribute of respect and affection to our departed friend. Let the grand
council of the nation display those sentiments which the nation feels. For this purpose I
hold in my hand some resolutions which I take the liberty of offering to the house.
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"Resolved, That this House
will wait on the President, in condolence of this mournful event.
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"Resolved, That the
Speaker's chair be shrouded with black, and that the members and officers of the house
wear black during the session.
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"Resolved, That a
committee, in conjunction with one from the Senate, be appointed to consider on the most
suitable manner of paying honour to the memory of the man, first in war, first in peace,
and first in the hearts of his fellow-citizens."
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The Senate of the United States,
on this melancholy occasion, addressed to the President in these words:
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"The Senate of the United
States respectfully take leave, sir, to express to you their deep regret for the loss
their country sustains in the death of Gen. George Washington.
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"This event, so distressing
to all our fellow-citizens, must be peculiarly heavy to you, who have long been associated
with him in deeds of patriotism. Permit us, sir, to mingle our tears with yours. On this
occasion it is manly to weep. To lose such a man, at such a crisis, is no common calamity
to the world. Our country mourns a father. The Almighty Disposer of human events, has
taken from us our greatest benefactor and ornament. It becomes us to submit with reverence
to him 'who maketh darkness his pavillion.'
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"With patriotic pride we
review the life of our Washington, and compare him with those of other countries who have
been pre-eminent in fame. Ancient and modern times are diminished before him. Greatness
and guilt have too often been allied; but his fame is whiter than it is brilliant. The
destroyers of nations stood abashed at the majesty of his virtues. It reproved the
intemperance of their ambition, and darkened the splendour of victory. The scene is
closed, and we are no longer anxious lest misfortune should sully his glory; he has
travelled on to the end of his journey, and carried with him an increasing weight of
honour; he has deposited it safely where misfortune cannot tarnish it-- where malice
cannot blast it. Favoured of Heaven, he departed without exhibiting the weakness of
humanity. Magnanimous in death, the darkness of the grave could not obscure his
brightness.
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"Such was the man whom we
deplore. Thanks to God, his glory is consummated. Washington yet lives on earth in his
spotless example-- his spirit is in Heaven.
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"Let his countrymen
consecrate the memory of the heroic general, the patriotic statesman, and the virtuous
sage. Let them teach their children never to forget, that the fruits of his labours and
his example are their inheritance."
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GO TO CHAPTER 13 - PART TWO
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